He desired I would stand like a Colossus, with my legs as far asunder as I conveniently could. He then commanded his general (who was an old experienced leader, and a great patron of mine) to draw up the troops in close order, and march them under me; the foot by twenty-four abreast, and the horse by sixteen, with drums beating, colours flying, and pikes advanced.
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PART III.
A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI, LUGGNAGG,
GLUBBDUBDRIB, AND JAPAN(Conclusion).
CHAPTER VI.
[A further account of the academy. The author proposes some
improvements, which are honourably received.]
In the school of political projectors, I was but ill entertained;
the professors appearing, in my judgment, wholly out of their
senses, which is a scene that never fails to make me melancholy.
These unhappy people were proposing schemes for persuading
monarchs to choose favourites upon the score of their wisdom,
capacity, and virtue; of teaching ministers to consult the public
good; of rewarding merit, great abilities, eminent services; of
instructing princes to know their true interest, by placing it on
the same foundation with that of their people; of choosing for
employments persons qualified to exercise them, with many other
wild, impossible chimeras, that never entered before into the
heart of man to conceive; and confirmed in me the old
observation, "that there is nothing so extravagant and
irrational, which some philosophers have not maintained for
truth."
But, however, I shall so far do justice to this part of the
Academy, as to acknowledge that all of them were not so
visionary. There was a most ingenious doctor, who seemed to be
perfectly versed in the whole nature and system of government.
This illustrious person had very usefully employed his studies,
in finding out effectual remedies for all diseases and
corruptions to which the several kinds of public administration
are subject, by the vices or infirmities of those who govern, as
well as by the licentiousness of those who are to obey. For
instance: whereas all writers and reasoners have agreed, that
there is a strict universal resemblance between the natural and
the political body; can there be any thing more evident, than
that the health of both must be preserved, and the diseases
cured, by the same prescriptions? It is allowed, that senates
and great councils are often troubled with redundant, ebullient,
and other peccant humours; with many diseases of the head, and
more of the heart; with strong convulsions, with grievous
contractions of the nerves and sinews in both hands, but
especially the right; with spleen, flatus, vertigos, and
deliriums; with scrofulous tumours, full of fetid purulent
matter; with sour frothy ructations: with canine appetites, and
crudeness of digestion, besides many others, needless to mention.
This doctor therefore proposed, "that upon the meeting of the
senate, certain physicians should attend it the three first days
of their sitting, and at the close of each day's debate feel the
pulses of every senator; after which, having maturely considered
and consulted upon the nature of the several maladies, and the
methods of cure, they should on the fourth day return to the
senate house, attended by their apothecaries stored with proper
medicines; and before the members sat, administer to each of them
lenitives, aperitives, abstersives, corrosives, restringents,
palliatives, laxatives, cephalalgics, icterics, apophlegmatics,
acoustics, as their several cases required; and, according as
these medicines should operate, repeat, alter, or omit them, at
the next meeting."
This project could not be of any great expense to the public; and
might in my poor opinion, be of much use for the despatch of
business, in those countries where senates have any share in the
legislative power; beget unanimity, shorten debates, open a few
mouths which are now closed, and close many more which are now
open; curb the petulancy of the young, and correct the
positiveness of the old; rouse the stupid, and damp the pert.
Again: because it is a general complaint, that the favourites of
princes are troubled with short and weak memories; the same
doctor proposed, "that whoever attended a first minister, after
having told his business, with the utmost brevity and in the
plainest words, should, at his departure, give the said minister
a tweak by the nose, or a kick in the belly, or tread on his
corns, or lug him thrice by both ears, or run a pin into his
breech; or pinch his arm black and blue, to prevent
forgetfulness; and at every levee day, repeat the same operation,
till the business were done, or absolutely refused."
He likewise directed, "that every senator in the great council of
a nation, after he had delivered his opinion, and argued in the
defence of it, should be obliged to give his vote directly
contrary; because if that were done, the result would infallibly
terminate in the good of the public."
When parties in a state are violent, he offered a wonderful
contrivance to reconcile them. The method is this: You take a
hundred leaders of each party; you dispose them into couples of
such whose heads are nearest of a size; then let two nice
operators saw off the occiput of each couple at the same time, in
such a manner that the brain may be equally divided. Let the
occiputs, thus cut off, be interchanged, applying each to the
head of his opposite party-man. It seems indeed to be a work
that requires some exactness, but the professor assured us, "that
if it were dexterously performed, the cure would be infallible."
For he argued thus: "that the two half brains being left to
debate the matter between themselves within the space of one
skull, would soon come to a good understanding, and produce that
moderation, as well as regularity of thinking, so much to be
wished for in the heads of those, who imagine they come into the
world only to watch and govern its motion: and as to the
difference of brains, in quantity or quality, among those who are
directors in faction, the doctor assured us, from his own
knowledge, that "it was a perfect trifle."
I heard a very warm debate between two professors, about the most
commodious and effectual ways and means of raising money, without
grieving the subject. The first affirmed, "the justest method
would be, to lay a certain tax upon vices and folly; and the sum
fixed upon every man to be rated, after the fairest manner, by a
jury of his neighbours." The second was of an opinion directly
contrary; "to tax those qualities of body and mind, for which men
chiefly value themselves; the rate to be more or less, according
to the degrees of excelling; the decision whereof should be left
entirely to their own breast." The highest tax was upon men who
are the greatest favourites of the other sex, and the
assessments, according to the number and nature of the favours
they have received; for which, they are allowed to be their own
vouchers. Wit, valour, and politeness, were likewise proposed to
be largely taxed, and collected in the same manner, by every
person's giving his own word for the quantum of what he
possessed. But as to honour, justice, wisdom, and learning, they
should not be taxed at all; because they are qualifications of so
singular a kind, that no man will either allow them in his
neighbour or value them in himself.
The women were proposed to be taxed according to their beauty and
skill in dressing, wherein they had the same privilege with the
men, to be determined by their own judgment. But constancy,
chastity, good sense, and good nature, were not rated, because
they would not bear the charge of collecting.
To keep senators in the interest of the crown, it was proposed
that the members should raffle for employment; every man first
taking an oath, and giving security, that he would vote for the
court, whether he won or not; after which, the losers had, in
their turn, the liberty of raffling upon the next vacancy. Thus,
hope and expectation would be kept alive; none would complain of
broken promises, but impute their disappointments wholly to
fortune, whose shoulders are broader and stronger than those of a
ministry.
Another professor showed me a large paper of instructions for
discovering plots and conspiracies against the government. He
advised great statesmen to examine into the diet of all suspected
persons; their times of eating; upon which side they lay in bed;
with which hand they wipe their posteriors; take a strict view of
their excrements, and, from the colour, the odour, the taste, the
consistence, the crudeness or maturity of digestion, form a
judgment of their thoughts and designs; because men are never so
serious, thoughtful, and intent, as when they are at stool, which
he found by frequent experiment; for, in such conjunctures, when
he used, merely as a trial, to consider which was the best way of
murdering the king, his ordure would have a tincture of green;
but quite different, when he thought only of raising an
insurrection, or burning the metropolis.
The whole discourse was written with great acuteness, containing
many observations, both curious and useful for politicians; but,
as I conceived, not altogether complete. This I ventured to tell
the author, and offered, if he pleased, to supply him with some
additions. He received my proposition with more compliance than
is usual among writers, especially those of the projecting
species, professing "he would be glad to receive further
information."
I told him, "that in the kingdom of Tribnia, (3) by the natives
called Langdon, (4) where I had sojourned some time in my
travels, the bulk of the people consist in a manner wholly of
discoverers, witnesses, informers, accusers, prosecutors,
evidences, swearers, together with their several subservient and
subaltern instruments, all under the colours, the conduct, and
the pay of ministers of state, and their deputies. The plots, in
that kingdom, are usually the workmanship of those persons who
desire to raise their own characters of profound politicians; to
restore new vigour to a crazy administration; to stifle or divert
general discontents; to fill their coffers with forfeitures; and
raise, or sink the opinion of public credit, as either shall best
answer their private advantage. It is first agreed and settled
among them, what suspected persons shall be accused of a plot;
then, effectual care is taken to secure all their letters and
papers, and put the owners in chains. These papers are delivered
to a set of artists, very dexterous in finding out the mysterious
meanings of words, syllables, and letters:
for instance, they can dicypher a Close-stool,to signify a Privy-Council;
a Flock of Geese, a Senate;
a lame Dog, an Invader;
the Plague, a standing Army;
a Buzard, a Minister;
the Gout, a High Priest;
A Gibbet, a Secretary of State;
a Chamber pot, a Committee of Grandees;
aSieve, a Court Lady;
a Broom, a Revolution;
a Mouse-trap, an Employment;
a bottomless Pit, the Treasury;
a Sink, a C--t;
a Cap and Bells, a Favourite;
a Broken Reed, a Court of Justice;
an empty Tun, a General;
a running Sore, the Administration;
"When this method fails, they have two others more effectual,
which the learned among them call Acrostics and Anagrams. First,
they can decipher all initial letters into political meanings.
Thus, N, shall signify a Plot;
B, a Regiment of Horse;
L, a Fleet at Sea;
or, secondly, by transposing the letters of the alphabet
in any suspected paper, they can lay open the deepest designs of
a discontented party. So, for example, if I should say, in a
letter to a friend, 'Our brother Tom has just got the piles,' a
skilful decipherer would discover, that the same letters which
compose that sentence, may be analysed into the following words,
'Resist--, a plot is brought home--The tour.' And this is the
anagrammatic method."
The professor made me great acknowledgments for communicating
these observations, and promised to make honourable mention of me
in his treatise.
I saw nothing in this country that could invite me to a longer
continuance, and began to think of returning home to England.
CHAPTER VII.
[The author leaves Lagado: arrives at Maldonada. No ship ready.
He takes a short voyage to Glubbdubdrib. His reception by the
governor.]
The continent, of which this kingdom is apart, extends itself, as
I have reason to believe, eastward, to that unknown tract of
America westward of California; and north, to the Pacific Ocean,
which is not above a hundred and fifty miles from Lagado; where
there is a good port, and much commerce with the great island of
Luggnagg, situated to the north-west about 29 degrees north
latitude, and 140 longitude. This island of Luggnagg stands
south-eastward of Japan, about a hundred leagues distant. There
is a strict alliance between the Japanese emperor and the king of
Luggnagg; which affords frequent opportunities of sailing from
one island to the other. I determined therefore to direct my
course this way, in order to my return to Europe. I hired two
mules, with a guide, to show me the way, and carry my small
baggage. I took leave of my noble protector, who had shown me so
much favour, and made me a generous present at my departure.
My journey was without any accident or adventure worth relating.
When I arrived at the port of Maldonada (for so it is called)
there was no ship in the harbour bound for Luggnagg, nor likely
to be in some time. The town is about as large as Portsmouth. I
soon fell into some acquaintance, and was very hospitably
received. A gentleman of distinction said to me, "that since the
ships bound for Luggnagg could not be ready in less than a month,
it might be no disagreeable amusement for me to take a trip to
the little island of Glubbdubdrib, about five leagues off to the
south-west." He offered himself and a friend to accompany me, and
that I should be provided with a small convenient bark for the
voyage.
Glubbdubdrib, as nearly as I can interpret the word, signifies
the island of sorcerers or magicians. It is about one third as
large as the Isle of Wight, and extremely fruitful: it is
governed by the head of a certain tribe, who are all magicians.
This tribe marries only among each other, and the eldest in
succession is prince or governor. He has a noble palace, and a
park of about three thousand acres, surrounded by a wall of hewn
stone twenty feet high. In this park are several small
enclosures for cattle, corn, and gardening.
The governor and his family are served and attended by domestics
of a kind somewhat unusual. By his skill in necromancy he has a
power of calling whom he pleases from the dead, and commanding
their service for twenty-four hours, but no longer; nor can he
call the same persons up again in less than three months, except
upon very extraordinary occasions.
When we arrived at the island, which was about eleven in the
morning, one of the gentlemen who accompanied me went to the
governor, and desired admittance for a stranger, who came on
purpose to have the honour of attending on his highness. This
was immediately granted, and we all three entered the gate of the
palace between two rows of guards, armed and dressed after a very
antic manner, and with something in their countenances that made
my flesh creep with a horror I cannot express. We passed through
several apartments, between servants of the same sort, ranked on
each side as before, till we came to the chamber of presence;
where, after three profound obeisances, and a few general
questions, we were permitted to sit on three stools, near the
lowest step of his highness's throne. He understood the language
of Balnibarbi, although it was different from that of this
island. He desired me to give him some account of my travels;
and, to let me see that I should be treated without ceremony, he
dismissed all his attendants with a turn of his finger; at which,
to my great astonishment, they vanished in an instant, like
visions in a dream when we awake on a sudden. I could not
recover myself in some time, till the governor assured me, "that
I should receive no hurt:" and observing my two companions to be
under no concern, who had been often entertained in the same
manner, I began to take courage, and related to his highness a
short history of my several adventures; yet not without some
hesitation, and frequently looking behind me to the place where I
had seen those domestic spectres. I had the honour to dine with
the governor, where a new set of ghosts served up the meat, and
waited at table. I now observed myself to be less terrified than
I had been in the morning. I stayed till sunset, but humbly
desired his highness to excuse me for not accepting his
invitation of lodging in the palace. My two friends and I lay at
a private house in the town adjoining, which is the capital of
this little island; and the next morning we returned to pay our
duty to the governor, as he was pleased to command us.
After this manner we continued in the island for ten days, most
part of every day with the governor, and at night in our lodging.
I soon grew so familiarized to the sight of spirits, that after
the third or fourth time they gave me no emotion at all: or, if
I had any apprehensions left, my curiosity prevailed over them.
For his highness the governor ordered me "to call up whatever
persons I would choose to name, and in whatever numbers, among
all the dead from the beginning of the world to the present time,
and command them to answer any questions I should think fit to
ask; with this condition, that my questions must be confined
within the compass of the times they lived in. And one thing I
might depend upon, that they would certainly tell me the truth,
for lying was a talent of no use in the lower world."
I made my humble acknowledgments to his highness for so great a
favour. We were in a chamber, from whence there was a fair
prospect into the park. And because my first inclination was to
be entertained with scenes of pomp and magnificence, I desired to
see Alexander the Great at the head of his army, just after the
battle of Arbela: which, upon a motion of the governor's finger,
immediately appeared in a large field, under the window where we
stood. Alexander was called up into the room: it was with great
difficulty that I understood his Greek, and had but little of my
own. He assured me upon his honour "that he was not poisoned,
but died of a bad fever by excessive drinking."
Next, I saw Hannibal passing the Alps, who told me "he had not a
drop of vinegar in his camp."
I saw Caesar and Pompey at the head of their troops, just ready
to engage. I saw the former, in his last great triumph. I
desired that the senate of Rome might appear before me, in one
large chamber, and an assembly of somewhat a later age in
counterview, in another. The first seemed to be an assembly of
heroes and demigods; the other, a knot of pedlars, pick-pockets,
highwayman, and bullies.
The governor, at my request, gave the sign for Caesar and Brutus
to advance towards us. I was struck with a profound veneration
at the sight of Brutus, and could easily discover the most
consummate virtue, the greatest intrepidity and firmness of mind,
the truest love of his country, and general benevolence for
mankind, in every lineament of his countenance. I observed, with
much pleasure, that these two persons were in good intelligence
with each other; and Caesar freely confessed to me, "that the
greatest actions of his own life were not equal, by many degrees,
to the glory of taking it away." I had the honour to have much
conversation with Brutus; and was told, "that his ancestor
Junius, Socrates, Epaminondas, Cato the younger, Sir Thomas More,
and himself were perpetually together:" a sextumvirate, to which
all the ages of the world cannot add a seventh.
It would be tedious to trouble the reader with relating what vast
numbers of illustrious persons were called up to gratify that
insatiable desire I had to see the world in every period of
antiquity placed before me. I chiefly fed mine eyes with
beholding the destroyers of tyrants and usurpers, and the
restorers of liberty to oppressed and injured nations. But it is
impossible to express the satisfaction I received in my own mind,
after such a manner as to make it a suitable entertainment to the
reader.
CHAPTER VIII.
[A further account of Glubbdubdrib. Ancient and modern history
corrected.]
Having a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for
wit and learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I proposed
that Homer and Aristotle might appear at the head of all their
commentators; but these were so numerous, that some hundreds were
forced to attend in the court, and outward rooms of the palace.
I knew, and could distinguish those two heroes, at first sight,
not only from the crowd, but from each other. Homer was the
taller and comelier person of the two, walked very erect for one
of his age, and his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever
beheld. Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a staff. His
visage was meagre, his hair lank and thin, and his voice hollow.
I soon discovered that both of them were perfect strangers to the
rest of the company, and had never seen or heard of them before;
and I had a whisper from a ghost who shall be nameless, "that
these commentators always kept in the most distant quarters from
their principals, in the lower world, through a consciousness of
shame and guilt, because they had so horribly misrepresented the
meaning of those authors to posterity." I introduced Didymus and
Eustathius to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better
than perhaps they deserved, for he soon found they wanted a
genius to enter into the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was out
of all patience with the account I gave him of Scotus and Ramus,
as I presented them to him; and he asked them, "whether the rest
of the tribe were as great dunces as themselves?"
I then desired the governor to call up Descartes and Gassendi,
with whom I prevailed to explain their systems to Aristotle.
This great philosopher freely acknowledged his own mistakes in
natural philosophy, because he proceeded in many things upon
conjecture, as all men must do; and he found that Gassendi, who
had made the doctrine of Epicurus as palatable as he could, and
the vortices of Descartes, were equally to be exploded. He
predicted the same fate to ATTRACTION, whereof the present
learned are such zealous asserters. He said, "that new systems
of nature were but new fashions, which would vary in every age;
and even those, who pretend to demonstrate them from mathematical
principles, would flourish but a short period of time, and be out
of vogue when that was determined."
I spent five days in conversing with many others of the ancient
learned. I saw most of the first Roman emperors. I prevailed on
the governor to call up Heliogabalus's cooks to dress us a
dinner, but they could not show us much of their skill, for want
of materials. A helot of Agesilaus made us a dish of Spartan
broth, but I was not able to get down a second spoonful.
The two gentlemen, who conducted me to the island, were pressed
by their private affairs to return in three days, which I
employed in seeing some of the modern dead, who had made the
greatest figure, for two or three hundred years past, in our own
and other countries of Europe; and having been always a great
admirer of old illustrious families, I desired the governor would
call up a dozen or two of kings, with their ancestors in order
for eight or nine generations. But my disappointment was
grievous and unexpected. For, instead of a long train with royal
diadems, I saw in one family two fiddlers, three spruce
courtiers, and an Italian prelate. In another, a barber, an
abbot, and two cardinals. I have too great a veneration for
crowned heads, to dwell any longer on so nice a subject. But as
to counts, marquises, dukes, earls, and the like, I was not so
scrupulous. And I confess, it was not without some pleasure,
that I found myself able to trace the particular features, by
which certain families are distinguished, up to their originals.
I could plainly discover whence one family derives a long chin;
why a second has abounded with knaves for two generations, and
fools for two more; why a third happened to be crack-brained, and
a fourth to be sharpers; whence it came, what Polydore Virgil
says of a certain great house, NEC VIR FORTIS, NEC FOEMINA CASTA;
how cruelty, falsehood, and cowardice, grew to be characteristics
by which certain families are distinguished as much as by their
coats of arms; who first brought the pox into a noble house,
which has lineally descended scrofulous tumours to their
posterity. Neither could I wonder at all this, when I saw such
an interruption of lineages, by pages, lackeys, valets, coachmen,
gamesters, fiddlers, players, captains, and pickpockets.
I was chiefly disgusted with modern history. For having strictly
examined all the persons of greatest name in the courts of
princes, for a hundred years past, I found how the world had been
misled by prostitute writers, to ascribe the greatest exploits in
war, to cowards; the wisest counsel, to fools; sincerity, to
flatterers; Roman virtue, to betrayers of their country; piety,
to atheists; chastity, to sodomites; truth, to informers: how
many innocent and excellent persons had been condemned to death
or banishment by the practising of great ministers upon the
corruption of judges, and the malice of factions: how many
villains had been exalted to the highest places of trust, power,
dignity, and profit: how great a share in the motions and events
of courts, councils, and senates might be challenged by bawds,
whores, pimps, parasites, and buffoons. How low an opinion I had
of human wisdom and integrity, when I was truly informed of the
springs and motives of great enterprises and revolutions in the
world, and of the contemptible accidents to which they owed their
success.
Here I discovered the roguery and ignorance of those who pretend
to write anecdotes, or secret history; who send so many kings to
their graves with a cup of poison; will repeat the discourse
between a prince and chief minister, where no witness was by;
unlock the thoughts and cabinets of ambassadors and secretaries
of state; and have the perpetual misfortune to be mistaken. Here
I discovered the true causes of many great events that have
surprised the world; how a whore can govern the back-stairs, the
back-stairs a council, and the council a senate. A general
confessed, in my presence, "that he got a victory purely by the
force of cowardice and ill conduct;" and an admiral, "that, for
want of proper intelligence, he beat the enemy, to whom he
intended to betray the fleet." Three kings protested to me,
"that in their whole reigns they never did once prefer any person
of merit, unless by mistake, or treachery of some minister in
whom they confided; neither would they do it if they were to live
again:" and they showed, with great strength of reason, "that the
royal throne could not be supported without corruption, because
that positive, confident, restiff temper, which virtue infused
into a man, was a perpetual clog to public business."
I had the curiosity to inquire in a particular manner, by what
methods great numbers had procured to themselves high titles of
honour, and prodigious estates; and I confined my inquiry to a
very modern period: however, without grating upon present times,
because I would be sure to give no offence even to foreigners
(for I hope the reader need not be told, that I do not in the
least intend my own country, in what I say upon this occasion,) a
great number of persons concerned were called up; and, upon a
very slight examination, discovered such a scene of infamy, that
I cannot reflect upon it without some seriousness. Perjury,
oppression, subornation, fraud, pandarism, and the like
infirmities, were among the most excusable arts they had to
mention; and for these I gave, as it was reasonable, great
allowance. But when some confessed they owed their greatness and
wealth to sodomy, or incest; others, to the prostituting of their
own wives and daughters; others, to the betraying of their
country or their prince; some, to poisoning; more to the
perverting of justice, in order to destroy the innocent, I hope I
may be pardoned, if these discoveries inclined me a little to
abate of that profound veneration, which I am naturally apt to
pay to persons of high rank, who ought to be treated with the
utmost respect due to their sublime dignity, by us their
inferiors.
I had often read of some great services done to princes and
states, and desired to see the persons by whom those services
were performed. Upon inquiry I was told, "that their names were
to be found on no record, except a few of them, whom history has
represented as the vilest of rogues and traitors." As to the
rest, I had never once heard of them. They all appeared with
dejected looks, and in the meanest habit; most of them telling
me, "they died in poverty and disgrace, and the rest on a
scaffold or a gibbet."
Among others, there was one person, whose case appeared a little
singular. He had a youth about eighteen years old standing by
his side. He told me, "he had for many years been commander of a
ship; and in the sea fight at Actium had the good fortune to
break through the enemy's great line of battle, sink three of
their capital ships, and take a fourth, which was the sole cause
of Antony's flight, and of the victory that ensued; that the
youth standing by him, his only son, was killed in the action."
He added, "that upon the confidence of some merit, the war being
at an end, he went to Rome, and solicited at the court of
Augustus to be preferred to a greater ship, whose commander had
been killed; but, without any regard to his pretensions, it was
given to a boy who had never seen the sea, the son of Libertina,
who waited on one of the emperor's mistresses. Returning back to
his own vessel, he was charged with neglect of duty, and the ship
given to a favourite page of Publicola, the vice-admiral;
whereupon he retired to a poor farm at a great distance from
Rome, and there ended his life." I was so curious to know the
truth of this story, that I desired Agrippa might be called, who
was admiral in that fight. He appeared, and confirmed the whole
account: but with much more advantage to the captain, whose
modesty had extenuated or concealed a great part of his merit.
I was surprised to find corruption grown so high and so quick in
that empire, by the force of luxury so lately introduced; which
made me less wonder at many parallel cases in other countries,
where vices of all kinds have reigned so much longer, and where
the whole praise, as well as pillage, has been engrossed by the
chief commander, who perhaps had the least title to either.
As every person called up made exactly the same appearance he had
done in the world, it gave me melancholy reflections to observe
how much the race of human kind was degenerated among us within
these hundred years past; how the pox, under all its consequences
and denominations had altered every lineament of an English
countenance; shortened the size of bodies, unbraced the nerves,
relaxed the sinews and muscles, introduced a sallow complexion,
and rendered the flesh loose and rancid.
I descended so low, as to desire some English yeoman of the old
stamp might be summoned to appear; once so famous for the
simplicity of their manners, diet, and dress; for justice in
their dealings; for their true spirit of liberty; for their
valour, and love of their country. Neither could I be wholly
unmoved, after comparing the living with the dead, when I
considered how all these pure native virtues were prostituted for
a piece of money by their grand-children; who, in selling their
votes and managing at elections, have acquired every vice and
corruption that can possibly be learned in a court.
CHAPTER IX.
[The author returns to Maldonada. Sails to the kingdom of
Luggnagg. The author confined. He is sent for to court. The
manner of his admittance. The king's great lenity to his
subjects.]
The day of our departure being come, I took leave of his
highness, the Governor of Glubbdubdrib, and returned with my two
companions to Maldonada, where, after a fortnight's waiting, a
ship was ready to sail for Luggnagg. The two gentlemen, and some
others, were so generous and kind as to furnish me with
provisions, and see me on board. I was a month in this voyage.
We had one violent storm, and were under a necessity of steering
westward to get into the trade wind, which holds for above sixty
leagues. On the 21st of April, 1708, we sailed into the river of
Clumegnig, which is a seaport town, at the south-east point of
Luggnagg. We cast anchor within a league of the town, and made a
signal for a pilot. Two of them came on board in less than half
an hour, by whom we were guided between certain shoals and rocks,
which are very dangerous in the passage, to a large basin, where
a fleet may ride in safety within a cable's length of the
town-wall.
Some of our sailors, whether out of treachery or inadvertence,
had informed the pilots "that I was a stranger, and great
traveller;" whereof these gave notice to a custom-house officer,
by whom I was examined very strictly upon my landing. This
officer spoke to me in the language of Balnibarbi, which, by the
force of much commerce, is generally understood in that town,
especially by seamen and those employed in the customs. I gave
him a short account of some particulars, and made my story as
plausible and consistent as I could; but I thought it necessary
to disguise my country, and call myself a Hollander; because my
intentions were for Japan, and I knew the Dutch were the only
Europeans permitted to enter into that kingdom. I therefore told
the officer, "that having been shipwrecked on the coast of
Balnibarbi, and cast on a rock, I was received up into Laputa, or
the flying island (of which he had often heard), and was now
endeavouring to get to Japan, whence I might find a convenience
of returning to my own country." The officer said, "I must be
confined till he could receive orders from court, for which he
would write immediately, and hoped to receive an answer in a
fortnight." I was carried to a convenient lodging with a sentry
placed at the door; however, I had the liberty of a large garden,
and was treated with humanity enough, being maintained all the
time at the king's charge. I was invited by several persons,
chiefly out of curiosity, because it was reported that I came
from countries very remote, of which they had never heard.
I hired a young man, who came in the same ship, to be an
interpreter; he was a native of Luggnagg, but had lived some
years at Maldonada, and was a perfect master of both languages.
By his assistance, I was able to hold a conversation with those
who came to visit me; but this consisted only of their questions,
and my answers.
The despatch came from court about the time we expected. It
contained a warrant for conducting me and my retinue to
TRALDRAGDUBH, or TRILDROGDRIB (for it is pronounced both ways as
near as I can remember), by a party of ten horse. All my retinue
was that poor lad for an interpreter, whom I persuaded into my
service, and, at my humble request, we had each of us a mule to
ride on. A messenger was despatched half a day's journey before
us, to give the king notice of my approach, and to desire, "that
his majesty would please to appoint a day and hour, when it would
by his gracious pleasure that I might have the honour to lick the
dust before his footstool." This is the court style, and I found
it to be more than matter of form: for, upon my admittance two
days after my arrival, I was commanded to crawl upon my belly,
and lick the floor as I advanced; but, on account of my being a
stranger, care was taken to have it made so clean, that the dust
was not offensive. However, this was a peculiar grace, not
allowed to any but persons of the highest rank, when they desire
an admittance. Nay, sometimes the floor is strewed with dust on
purpose, when the person to be admitted happens to have powerful
enemies at court; and I have seen a great lord with his mouth so
crammed, that when he had crept to the proper distance from the
throne; he was not able to speak a word. Neither is there any
remedy; because it is capital for those, who receive an audience
to spit or wipe their mouths in his majesty's presence. There is
indeed another custom, which I cannot altogether approve of:
when the king has a mind to put any of his nobles to death in a
gentle indulgent manner, he commands the floor to be strewed with
a certain brown powder of a deadly composition, which being
licked up, infallibly kills him in twenty-four hours. But in
justice to this prince's great clemency, and the care he has of
his subjects' lives (wherein it were much to be wished that the
Monarchs of Europe would imitate him), it must be mentioned for
his honour, that strict orders are given to have the infected
parts of the floor well washed after every such execution, which,
if his domestics neglect, they are in danger of incurring his
royal displeasure. I myself heard him give directions, that one
of his pages should be whipped, whose turn it was to give notice
about washing the floor after an execution, but maliciously had
omitted it; by which neglect a young lord of great hopes, coming
to an audience, was unfortunately poisoned, although the king at
that time had no design against his life. But this good prince
was so gracious as to forgive the poor page his whipping, upon
promise that he would do so no more, without special orders.
To return from this digression. When I had crept within four
yards of the throne, I raised myself gently upon my knees, and
then striking my forehead seven times against the ground, I
pronounced the following words, as they had been taught me the
night before, INCKPLING GLOFFTHROBB SQUUT SERUMMBLHIOP MLASHNALT
ZWIN TNODBALKUFFH SLHIOPHAD GURDLUBH ASHT. This is the
compliment, established by the laws of the land, for all persons
admitted to the king's presence. It may be rendered into English
thus: "May your celestial majesty outlive the sun, eleven moons
and a half!" To this the king returned some answer, which,
although I could not understand, yet I replied as I had been
directed: FLUFT DRIN YALERICK DWULDOM PRASTRAD MIRPUSH, which
properly signifies, "My tongue is in the mouth of my friend;" and
by this expression was meant, that I desired leave to bring my
interpreter; whereupon the young man already mentioned was
accordingly introduced, by whose intervention I answered as many
questions as his majesty could put in above an hour. I spoke in
the Balnibarbian tongue, and my interpreter delivered my meaning
in that of Luggnagg.
The king was much delighted with my company, and ordered his
BLIFFMARKLUB, or high-chamberlain, to appoint a lodging in the
court for me and my interpreter; with a daily allowance for my
table, and a large purse of gold for my common expenses.
I staid three months in this country, out of perfect obedience to
his majesty; who was pleased highly to favour me, and made me
very honourable offers. But I thought it more consistent with
prudence and justice to pass the remainder of my days with my
wife and family.
CHAPTER X.
[The Luggnaggians commended. A particular description of the
Struldbrugs, with many conversations between the author and some
eminent persons upon that subject.]
The Luggnaggians are a polite and generous people; and although
they are not without some share of that pride which is peculiar
to all Eastern countries, yet they show themselves courteous to
strangers, especially such who are countenanced by the court. I
had many acquaintance, and among persons of the best fashion; and
being always attended by my interpreter, the conversation we had
was not disagreeable.
One day, in much good company, I was asked by a person of
quality, "whether I had seen any of their STRULDBRUGS, or
immortals?" I said, "I had not;" and desired he would explain to
me "what he meant by such an appellation, applied to a mortal
creature." He told me "that sometimes, though very rarely, a
child happened to be born in a family, with a red circular spot
in the forehead, directly over the left eyebrow, which was an
infallible mark that it should never die." The spot, as he
described it, "was about the compass of a silver threepence, but
in the course of time grew larger, and changed its colour; for at
twelve years old it became green, so continued till five and
twenty, then turned to a deep blue: at five and forty it grew
coal black, and as large as an English shilling; but never
admitted any further alteration." He said, "these births were so
rare, that he did not believe there could be above eleven hundred
struldbrugs, of both sexes, in the whole kingdom; of which he
computed about fifty in the metropolis, and, among the rest, a
young girl born; about three years ago: that these productions
were not peculiar to any family, but a mere effect of chance; and
the children of the STRULDBRUGS themselves were equally mortal
with the rest of the people."
I freely own myself to have been struck with inexpressible
delight, upon hearing this account: and the person who gave it
me happening to understand the Balnibarbian language, which I
spoke very well, I could not forbear breaking out into
expressions, perhaps a little too extravagant. I cried out, as
in a rapture, "Happy nation, where every child hath at least a
chance for being immortal! Happy people, who enjoy so many
living examples of ancient virtue, and have masters ready to
instruct them in the wisdom of all former ages! but happiest,
beyond all comparison, are those excellent STRULDBRUGS, who,
being born exempt from that universal calamity of human nature,
have their minds free and disengaged, without the weight and
depression of spirits caused by the continual apprehensions of
death!" I discovered my admiration that I had not observed any
of these illustrious persons at court; the black spot on the
forehead being so remarkable a distinction, that I could not have
easily overlooked it: and it was impossible that his majesty, a
most judicious prince, should not provide himself with a good
number of such wise and able counsellors. Yet perhaps the virtue
of those reverend sages was too strict for the corrupt and
libertine manners of a court: and we often find by experience,
that young men are too opinionated and volatile to be guided by
the sober dictates of their seniors. However, since the king was
pleased to allow me access to his royal person, I was resolved,
upon the very first occasion, to deliver my opinion to him on
this matter freely and at large, by the help of my interpreter;
and whether he would please to take my advice or not, yet in one
thing I was determined, that his majesty having frequently
offered me an establishment in this country, I would, with great
thankfulness, accept the favour, and pass my life here in the
conversation of those superior beings the STRULDBRUGS, if they
would please to admit me."
The gentleman to whom I addressed my discourse, because (as I
have already observed) he spoke the language of Balnibarbi, said
to me, with a sort of a smile which usually arises from pity to
the ignorant, "that he was glad of any occasion to keep me among
them, and desired my permission to explain to the company what I
had spoke." He did so, and they talked together for some time in
their own language, whereof I understood not a syllable, neither
could I observe by their countenances, what impression my
discourse had made on them. After a short silence, the same
person told me, "that his friends and mine (so he thought fit to
express himself) were very much pleased with the judicious
remarks I had made on the great happiness and advantages of
immortal life, and they were desirous to know, in a particular
manner, what scheme of living I should have formed to myself, if
it had fallen to my lot to have been born a STRULDBRUG."
I answered, "it was easy to be eloquent on so copious and
delightful a subject, especially to me, who had been often apt to
amuse myself with visions of what I should do, if I were a king,
a general, or a great lord: and upon this very case, I had
frequently run over the whole system how I should employ myself,
and pass the time, if I were sure to live for ever.
"That, if it had been my good fortune to come into the world a
STRULDBRUG, as soon as I could discover my own happiness, by
understanding the difference between life and death, I would
first resolve, by all arts and methods, whatsoever, to procure
myself riches. In the pursuit of which, by thrift and
management, I might reasonably expect, in about two hundred
years, to be the wealthiest man in the kingdom. In the second
place, I would, from my earliest youth, apply myself to the study
of arts and sciences, by which I should arrive in time to excel
all others in learning. Lastly, I would carefully record every
action and event of consequence, that happened in the public,
impartially draw the characters of the several successions of
princes and great ministers of state, with my own observations on
every point. I would exactly set down the several changes in
customs, language, fashions of dress, diet, and diversions. By
all which acquirements, I should be a living treasure of
knowledge and wisdom, and certainly become the oracle of the
nation.
"I would never marry after threescore, but live in a hospitable
manner, yet still on the saving side. I would entertain myself
in forming and directing the minds of hopeful young men, by
convincing them, from my own remembrance, experience, and
observation, fortified by numerous examples, of the usefulness of
virtue in public and private life. But my choice and constant
companions should be a set of my own immortal brotherhood; among
whom, I would elect a dozen from the most ancient, down to my own
contemporaries. Where any of these wanted fortunes, I would
provide them with convenient lodges round my own estate, and have
some of them always at my table; only mingling a few of the most
valuable among you mortals, whom length of time would harden me
to lose with little or no reluctance, and treat your posterity
after the same manner; just as a man diverts himself with the
annual succession of pinks and tulips in his garden, without
regretting the loss of those which withered the preceding year.
"These STRULDBRUGS and I would mutually communicate our
observations and memorials, through the course of time; remark
the several gradations by which corruption steals into the world,
and oppose it in every step, by giving perpetual warning and
instruction to mankind; which, added to the strong influence of
our own example, would probably prevent that continual degeneracy
of human nature so justly complained of in all ages.
"Add to this, the pleasure of seeing the various revolutions of
states and empires; the changes in the lower and upper world;
ancient cities in ruins, and obscure villages become the seats of
kings; famous rivers lessening into shallow brooks; the ocean
leaving one coast dry, and overwhelming another; the discovery of
many countries yet unknown; barbarity overrunning the politest
nations, and the most barbarous become civilized. I should then
see the discovery of the longitude, the perpetual motion, the
universal medicine, and many other great inventions, brought to
the utmost perfection.
"What wonderful discoveries should we make in astronomy, by
outliving and confirming our own predictions; by observing the
progress and return of comets, with the changes of motion in the
sun, moon, and stars!"
I enlarged upon many other topics, which the natural desire of
endless life, and sublunary happiness, could easily furnish me
with. When I had ended, and the sum of my discourse had been
interpreted, as before, to the rest of the company, there was a
good deal of talk among them in the language of the country, not
without some laughter at my expense. At last, the same gentleman
who had been my interpreter, said, "he was desired by the rest to
set me right in a few mistakes, which I had fallen into through
the common imbecility of human nature, and upon that allowance
was less answerable for them. That this breed of STRULDBRUGS was
peculiar to their country, for there were no such people either
in Balnibarbi or Japan, where he had the honour to be ambassador
from his majesty, and found the natives in both those kingdoms
very hard to believe that the fact was possible: and it appeared
from my astonishment when he first mentioned the matter to me,
that I received it as a thing wholly new, and scarcely to be
credited. That in the two kingdoms above mentioned, where, during
his residence, he had conversed very much, he observed long life
to be the universal desire and wish of mankind. That whoever had
one foot in the grave was sure to hold back the other as strongly
as he could. That the oldest had still hopes of living one day
longer, and looked on death as the greatest evil, from which
nature always prompted him to retreat. Only in this island of
Luggnagg the appetite for living was not so eager, from the
continual example of the STRULDBRUGS before their eyes.
"That the system of living contrived by me, was unreasonable and
unjust; because it supposed a perpetuity of youth, health, and
vigour, which no man could be so foolish to hope, however
extravagant he may be in his wishes. That the question therefore
was not, whether a man would choose to be always in the prime of
youth, attended with prosperity and health; but how he would pass
a perpetual life under all the usual disadvantages which old age
brings along with it. For although few men will avow their
desires of being immortal, upon such hard conditions, yet in the
two kingdoms before mentioned, of Balnibarbi and Japan, he
observed that every man desired to put off death some time
longer, let it approach ever so late: and he rarely heard of any
man who died willingly, except he were incited by the extremity
of grief or torture. And he appealed to me, whether in those
countries I had travelled, as well as my own, I had not observed
the same general disposition."
After this preface, he gave me a particular account of the
STRULDBRUGS among them. He said, "they commonly acted like
mortals till about thirty years old; after which, by degrees,
they grew melancholy and dejected, increasing in both till they
came to fourscore. This he learned from their own confession:
for otherwise, there not being above two or three of that species
born in an age, they were too few to form a general observation
by. When they came to fourscore years, which is reckoned the
extremity of living in this country, they had not only all the
follies and infirmities of other old men, but many more which
arose from the dreadful prospect of never dying. They were not
only opinionative, peevish, covetous, morose, vain, talkative,
but incapable of friendship, and dead to all natural affection,
which never descended below their grandchildren. Envy and
impotent desires are their prevailing passions. But those
objects against which their envy seems principally directed, are
the vices of the younger sort and the deaths of the old. By
reflecting on the former, they find themselves cut off from all
possibility of pleasure; and whenever they see a funeral, they
lament and repine that others have gone to a harbour of rest to
which they themselves never can hope to arrive. They have no
remembrance of anything but what they learned and observed in
their youth and middle-age, and even that is very imperfect; and
for the truth or particulars of any fact, it is safer to depend
on common tradition, than upon their best recollections. The
least miserable among them appear to be those who turn to dotage,
and entirely lose their memories; these meet with more pity and
assistance, because they want many bad qualities which abound in
others.
"If a STRULDBRUG happen to marry one of his own kind, the
marriage is dissolved of course, by the courtesy of the kingdom,
as soon as the younger of the two comes to be fourscore; for the
law thinks it a reasonable indulgence, that those who are
condemned, without any fault of their own, to a perpetual
continuance in the world, should not have their misery doubled by
the load of a wife.
"As soon as they have completed the term of eighty years, they
are looked on as dead in law; their heirs immediately succeed to
their estates; only a small pittance is reserved for their
support; and the poor ones are maintained at the public charge.
After that period, they are held incapable of any employment of
trust or profit; they cannot purchase lands, or take leases;
neither are they allowed to be witnesses in any cause, either
civil or criminal, not even for the decision of meers and bounds.
"At ninety, they lose their teeth and hair; they have at that age
no distinction of taste, but eat and drink whatever they can get,
without relish or appetite. The diseases they were subject to
still continue, without increasing or diminishing. In talking,
they forget the common appellation of things, and the names of
persons, even of those who are their nearest friends and
relations. For the same reason, they never can amuse themselves
with reading, because their memory will not serve to carry them
from the beginning of a sentence to the end; and by this defect,
they are deprived of the only entertainment whereof they might
otherwise be capable.
The language of this country being always upon the flux, the
STRULDBRUGS of one age do not understand those of another;
neither are they able, after two hundred years, to hold any
conversation (farther than by a few general words) with their
neighbours the mortals; and thus they lie under the disadvantage
of living like foreigners in their own country."
This was the account given me of the STRULDBRUGS, as near as I
can remember. I afterwards saw five or six of different ages,
the youngest not above two hundred years old, who were brought to
me at several times by some of my friends; but although they were
told, "that I was a great traveller, and had seen all the world,"
they had not the least curiosity to ask me a question; only
desired "I would give them SLUMSKUDASK," or a token of
remembrance; which is a modest way of begging, to avoid the law,
that strictly forbids it, because they are provided for by the
public, although indeed with a very scanty allowance.
They are despised and hated by all sorts of people. When one of
them is born, it is reckoned ominous, and their birth is recorded
very particularly so that you may know their age by consulting
the register, which, however, has not been kept above a thousand
years past, or at least has been destroyed by time or public
disturbances. But the usual way of computing how old they are,
is by asking them what kings or great persons they can remember,
and then consulting history; for infallibly the last prince in
their mind did not begin his reign after they were four-score
years old.
They were the most mortifying sight I ever beheld; and the women
more horrible than the men. Besides the usual deformities in
extreme old age, they acquired an additional ghastliness, in
proportion to their number of years, which is not to be
described; and among half a dozen, I soon distinguished which was
the eldest, although there was not above a century or two between
them.
The reader will easily believe, that from what I had hear and
seen, my keen appetite for perpetuity of life was much abated. I
grew heartily ashamed of the pleasing visions I had formed; and
thought no tyrant could invent a death into which I would not run
with pleasure, from such a life. The king heard of all that had
passed between me and my friends upon this occasion, and rallied
me very pleasantly; wishing I could send a couple of STRULDBRUGS
to my own country, to arm our people against the fear of death;
but this, it seems, is forbidden by the fundamental laws of the
kingdom, or else I should have been well content with the trouble
and expense of transporting them.
I could not but agree, that the laws of this kingdom relative to
the STRULDBRUGS were founded upon the strongest reasons, and such
as any other country would be under the necessity of enacting, in
the like circumstances. Otherwise, as avarice is the necessary
consequence of old age, those immortals would in time become
proprietors of the whole nation, and engross the civil power,
which, for want of abilities to manage, must end in the ruin of
the public.
CHAPTER XI.
[The author leaves Luggnagg, and sails to Japan. From thence he
returns in a Dutch ship to Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam to
England.]
I thought this account of the STRULDBRUGS might be some
entertainment to the reader, because it seems to be a little out
of the common way; at least I do not remember to have met the
like in any book of travels that has come to my hands: and if I
am deceived, my excuse must be, that it is necessary for
travellers who describe the same country, very often to agree in
dwelling on the same particulars, without deserving the censure
of having borrowed or transcribed from those who wrote before
them.
There is indeed a perpetual commerce between this kingdom and the
great empire of Japan; and it is very probable, that the Japanese
authors may have given some account of the STRULDBRUGS; but my
stay in Japan was so short, and I was so entirely a stranger to
the language, that I was not qualified to make any inquiries.
But I hope the Dutch, upon this notice, will be curious and able
enough to supply my defects.
His majesty having often pressed me to accept some employment in
his court, and finding me absolutely determined to return to my
native country, was pleased to give me his license to depart; and
honoured me with a letter of recommendation, under his own hand,
to the Emperor of Japan. He likewise presented me with four
hundred and forty-four large pieces of gold (this nation
delighting in even numbers), and a red diamond, which I sold in
England for eleven hundred pounds.
On the 6th of May, 1709, I took a solemn leave of his majesty,
and all my friends. This prince was so gracious as to order a
guard to conduct me to Glanguenstald, which is a royal port to
the south-west part of the island. In six days I found a vessel
ready to carry me to Japan, and spent fifteen days in the voyage.
We landed at a small port-town called Xamoschi, situated on the
south-east part of Japan; the town lies on the western point,
where there is a narrow strait leading northward into along arm
of the sea, upon the north-west part of which, Yedo, the
metropolis, stands. At landing, I showed the custom-house
officers my letter from the king of Luggnagg to his imperial
majesty. They knew the seal perfectly well; it was as broad as
the palm of my hand. The impression was, A KING LIFTING UP A
LAME BEGGAR FROM THE EARTH. The magistrates of the town, hearing
of my letter, received me as a public minister. They provided me
with carriages and servants, and bore my charges to Yedo; where I
was admitted to an audience, and delivered my letter, which was
opened with great ceremony, and explained to the Emperor by an
interpreter, who then gave me notice, by his majesty's order,
"that I should signify my request, and, whatever it were, it
should be granted, for the sake of his royal brother of
Luggnagg." This interpreter was a person employed to transact
affairs with the Hollanders. He soon conjectured, by my
countenance, that I was a European, and therefore repeated his
majesty's commands in Low Dutch, which he spoke perfectly well.
I answered, as I had before determined, "that I was a Dutch
merchant, shipwrecked in a very remote country, whence I had
travelled by sea and land to Luggnagg, and then took shipping for
Japan; where I knew my countrymen often traded, and with some of
these I hoped to get an opportunity of returning into Europe: I
therefore most humbly entreated his royal favour, to give order
that I should be conducted in safety to Nangasac." To this I
added another petition, "that for the sake of my patron the king
of Luggnagg, his majesty would condescend to excuse my performing
the ceremony imposed on my countrymen, of trampling upon the
crucifix: because I had been thrown into his kingdom by my
misfortunes, without any intention of trading." When this latter
petition was interpreted to the Emperor, he seemed a little
surprised; and said, "he believed I was the first of my
countrymen who ever made any scruple in this point; and that he
began to doubt, whether I was a real Hollander, or not; but
rather suspected I must be a Christian. However, for the reasons
I had offered, but chiefly to gratify the king of Luggnagg by an
uncommon mark of his favour, he would comply with the singularity
of my humour; but the affair must be managed with dexterity, and
his officers should be commanded to let me pass, as it were by
forgetfulness. For he assured me, that if the secret should be
discovered by my countrymen the Dutch, they would cut my throat
in the voyage." I returned my thanks, by the interpreter, for so
unusual a favour; and some troops being at that time on their
march to Nangasac, the commanding officer had orders to convey me
safe thither, with particular instructions about the business of
the crucifix.
On the 9th day of June, 1709, I arrived at Nangasac, after a very
long and troublesome journey. I soon fell into the company of
some Dutch sailors belonging to the Amboyna, of Amsterdam, a
stout ship of 450 tons. I had lived long in Holland, pursuing my
studies at Leyden, and I spoke Dutch well. The seamen soon knew
whence I came last: they were curious to inquire into my voyages
and course of life. I made up a story as short and probable as I
could, but concealed the greatest part. I knew many persons in
Holland. I was able to invent names for my parents, whom I
pretended to be obscure people in the province of Gelderland. I
would have given the captain (one Theodorus Vangrult) what he
pleased to ask for my voyage to Holland; but understanding I was
a surgeon, he was contented to take half the usual rate, on
condition that I would serve him in the way of my calling.
Before we took shipping, I was often asked by some of the crew,
whether I had performed the ceremony above mentioned? I evaded
the question by general answers; "that I had satisfied the
Emperor and court in all particulars." However, a malicious
rogue of a skipper went to an officer, and pointing to me, told
him, "I had not yet trampled on the crucifix;" but the other, who
had received instructions to let me pass, gave the rascal twenty
strokes on the shoulders with a bamboo; after which I was no more
troubled with such questions.
Nothing happened worth mentioning in this voyage. We sailed with
a fair wind to the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid only to take
in fresh water. On the 10th of April, 1710, we arrived safe at
Amsterdam, having lost only three men by sickness in the voyage,
and a fourth, who fell from the foremast into the sea, not far
from the coast of Guinea. From Amsterdam I soon after set sail
for England, in a small vessel belonging to that city.
On the 16th of April we put in at the Downs. I landed next
morning, and saw once more my native country, after an absence of
five years and six months complete. I went straight to Redriff,
where I arrived the same day at two in the afternoon, and found
my wife and family in good health.